IV.
Armenian Question in a Psychological Context
Turkish-Armenian issue: Victimization and
Large-Group identity
F. Sevinç GÖRAL*
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Abstract:
Psychology and psychoanalysis have gradually become involved in the
politics, international relations and interpretations of macro events during
the last two decades. Their contribution to understanding the large groups’
conflicts has been recognized as useful tool to handle the long term
conflicts between two nations. This article examines the psychological
dynamics operating within the Turkish- Armenian issue. It was planned to
accomplish this aim by two separate papers, former of which focuses on the
psychological mechanisms determining the Armenian side’s attitudes and
political actions. Effects of victimization psychology and large group
identity are emphasized as important factors for the skeleton of Armenians’
group behavior. It is concluded that there are psychological processes
influencing what seems to be the reality in politics, for this reason
politics should include more non-traditional methods of conflict resolution.
Key words: Psychoanalysis, political psychology, large group
identity, victimization, Turkish-Armenian relations
Introduction
There are some important underlying and occult phenomena, which are
affecting and operating in the events, the perceptions, the behaviors, the
emotions, the relationships, the politics and even the world, but cannot be
named or comprehended easily. Yet, some questions can not be answered
without understanding these phenomena. For example, why the members of the
some societies identify and describe themselves through their large-group
identity, such as being a member of a community, a group or a nation,
whereas some communities do not show this characteristic? Why some groups
can easily come together and become a united whole around an ideology, a
leader or a phenomenon, but others show the same reflex only in the war or
other threat situations? How the social or political events, which are
occurred ages and generations ago, can influence and arouse the emotions of
members as vivid as the event has been happen to themselves, whereas the
same individuals show insensitivity toward the pains of other human beings
from the other groups and be cruel toward them? How some groups could accept
and conform to the constructed and given realities and belief systems, which
might be distorting the reality as well, without any questioning? Why a
between-group conflict cannot be easily resolved and maintains its strength
throughout years despite huge amount of political, economic, military or
judicial precautions and protections? Even it has been resolved, how come it
reappears lively again as if it was there all the time without any
indication?
These kinds of questions have become important research areas for social
sciences. International relations, politics and sociology tried to examine
similar questions by means of the macro theories or models. Yet there has
been no integrated theory that involves all the answers of these questions
come out from these social sciences. However, the world has increasingly
become a conflict laden place and these conflicts can not be worked out
without considering the answers of these questions. Political psychology
which is a newly emerging and developing discipline and some other parts of
psychology have become increasingly more involving to these research
questions. This article aimed to understand the Turkish-Armenian issue,
which is a crucial matter in dispute in Turkey, by means of examining the
psychological dynamics. It was proposed that this point of view provides a
beneficial perspective, which can contribute to the policies or the
strategies for both Turkish and Armenian sides and international powers.
Contribution of Psychology and Psychoanalysis to the understanding of
International Conflicts
Most of the social sciences, especially politics, sociology, history and
anthropology, have been worked on different aspects of conflicts, battles or
wars. They have studied on inter-group conflicts and their consecutive
results such as immigrations, poverty, and formation of sub-cultural
structures within the society… etc.
Politics and international relations have failed in the predictions and the
provisions for the future, particularly in the issues of the collapse of
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), racism and resulting Holocaust
phenomena, and the establishment of international, supranational political
unions like European Union during the last 50-60 years.[1] Last years’
publications of international relations suggested that realist approach,
which emphasize the macro- level analysis in international relations and
state is the primary and rational actor in the international relations,
became to loose its power. These publications proposed a new
interdisciplinary approach that in both macro and micro level analyses are
integrated to each other and the macro events are seen as they are
multidimensional and reciprocal rather than understood by linear
deterministic processes.[2] While there was an evolution from linear,
cause-effect type of understanding of international relations to reciprocal,
mutual, multi dimensional and multidisciplinary comprehension of macro
events in international relations, there emerged a similar change in
psychology and psychoanalysis, which are more micro level disciplines
examining the intra-psychic processes. In the last 30 years, researches on
the different aspects of ethnic groups, in-group and out-group relations,
group-leader relations… etc. has become accumulated in psychology. Also the
build up knowledge on group relations have begun to be used in the conflict
resolution practices. For example, some social psychology theories brought
new premises that emphasize the mutuality principle and human factor in
international relations against the propositions of realists. According to
these theories, international conflicts come out from the psychosocial
processes of the collective needs and the fears of the groups, rather then
from the rational decision making processes of the macro level actors
through their objective evaluations. International conflict is a phenomenon
operating via social processes rather then a result of a disagreement
between two or more states. In other words, international conflict does not
arise from the damage resulting from administration of the physical or
political force onto other side; rather it comes from a multilayered
process, which is based on repetitive reciprocal interactions between two
sides. In addition, international conflicts should not be formulated as the
sequence of actions in which both actors consecutively respond to each other
in a cause-effect relationship. Besides this interactive nature, they have
usually self-induced characteristics and provoked by in-group processes as
well.[3]
Consequently, it could be proposed that psychology and psychoanalysis can be
beneficial and be used for the understanding of the international conflicts,
that international conflicts have the impression that are operating in the
international level of action at first.[4] By considering the risk of
trapping into reductionism and “psychologism”, psychological and
psychoanalytical examination of political events and international conflicts
could have a considerable contribution to the understanding of international
and inter-group conflicts.
Effect of Victimization in the Turkish-Armenian issue
Some long term problems of traumatized individuals are based on and
originated from their cognitions about themselves, other people and the
world. These individuals usually see themselves as a weak person and a
victim who is mistreated. They perceive the others and the outer world as
powerful, oppressive, cruel and enemy. These perceptions, beliefs and
cognitions result in a change in the construction of self identity which has
weaker connection with the reality. As a result of these changes in
cognitive processes, the individual mostly experiences interpersonal
difficulties and problems. This phenomenon is named as ‘victimization’, in
that the individuals perceive the self as helpless/victim and the others as
offender. Most of the traumatic events related to the victimization
phenomena particularly involve intentional and human made events like wars,
torture, terrorism related events, physical or sexual abuse.
By means of group identity theory and group psychology perspectives,
victimization phenomenon can be a beneficial conceptual metaphor used in
order to understand the political events emerged in international relations.
Psychology of victimization, which is an important operating mechanism
within many ethnic, religion related, cultural, economic or political
conflicts, has an impact on Turkish-Armenian relations as a maintaining
factor for the disputes and conflicts. In international relations platform,
there are some situations in which one side takes the role of victim[5] and
the relationship between two sides is begin to be perceived by others
through victim-offender duality. The common examples of these situations
might be that one nation state might show defensive reflexes for the
separatists or there might be conflict laden relations between the marginal
or the minority group and the state. In both examples, it is quite easy to
see the powerless side, which is usually the marginal group or minority
group, as victim, especially if the state uses coercive power for the aim of
deterrence.
Many experiences of mistreatments and excessive use of power have been
witnessed throughout the history. In these experiences one group uses
unfair, cruel and excessive power over other group and there is a shared
judgment about victimization within both supranational and international
arenas. Dropping the atomic bombs upon Japan by United States of America,
biased political sanctions and unequal power uses during the ethnic
conflicts in the Balkans and the Caucasus, the genocide of Muslims in
Kosovo, and the genocide of Jews in Europe by Nazis could be the examples of
these experiences. The common reality shared by these experiences is the
excessive use of power that damaged side is victimized, which is recognized
in international level of judgment.
There is also other side of the coin that victimization has the unseen side,
which is the excusing phenomenon. This is operating within idealized western
notions of human rights and justice as a substratum. The modern western
societies generally are perceived to have a tendency of excusing the weak,
damaged, suppressed part and making positive discrimination. The origin of
this tendency is related to the primitive motivation for the projection of
the bad parts onto other in order to be purified from the one’s sins. By
projecting one’s bad and unwanted qualities onto the other, one can maintain
the identity intact and purified. The modernization process of the West
involves the projection of the aggressive parts onto “others”, who is
usually the “barbarian” Orient.
Assoc. Prof. Erol Göka emphasized the psychological factors in the Armenian
question and mentioned about the psychological climate for genocide in the
groups and nations. He states that “the Holocaust practice in Europe toward
Jews by Germans forms the main frame of this psychological atmosphere.
Within the frame of the Holocaust, a new ideological and psychological
atmosphere and what sociologists called “human rights age” that almost
giving high premium for victim and reinforcing the role of victim emerged
after the Second World War.”[6] He suggested that this condition of
increasingly accepted state of being the victim among the Western societies
is being abused by Armenians. They try to take advantage by giving extra
weight to their originally rightful pains. Göka emphasized the excessive
excusing psychology of Western civilization, which is responsible for the
two world wars, as the main underlying mechanism of this victimization
psychology. He evaluated that the thesis of Armenian Diaspora, which states
that “Hitler learned genocide from Turks”, is actually a mechanism of
purification in the Western/Christian consciousness.[7] It is noticeable
that Judaism has a strengthening and widening structure, which is nourished
and reinforced by victimization, in the world. It was also suggested that
the Holocaust provided the Jews to gain positive discrimination form Western
societies. The Judaism gets stronger by benefiting this situation.
The same relationship between the Holocaust and the construction of Jewish
identity has been attempted to be used in the construction of Armenian
identity.[8] After the signing of Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in United Nations in 9th October 1948,
Armenians began to depict insistently that the Armenian relocation in 1915
was also genocide. At the same period, Armenian Diaspora living in the
western countries, like USA, England, France, Germany, have begun to realize
that the important parts of Armenian identity, such as language, life style,
cultural characteristics, folklore, and community traits, begin to dissolve
within the host land culture, thus they become to be assimilated. The
Armenian Church, Hinchak and Tashnak parties and other Armenian aid
associations, which were experiencing survival anxieties due to the
dissolution of Armenian identity, used the assertion of this genocide thesis
as a shelter to resist for annihilation. This thesis provided them a
balanced formula for keeping the group identity alive without preventing
them from joining with the host land. Armenian Diaspora members usually do
not have an idea of returning to their homeland due to Republic of Armenia’s
economical and political difficulties and shortages in natural resources, in
socio-cultural structure and in social life aspects. Thus the mental
representation of genocide operates as a mental homeland, which emotionally
supplies the construction of a shared Armenian identity and plays a role in
the transmission of this identity to the next generations. [9]
Psychology of victimization, an important element of Armenian identity, has
roots in the Armenian mythology. Armenians believe that they come from
Noah’s lineage and become to be a nation. According to their belief, the
tribe, who can survive from the great Noah Flood by means of climbing to the
Mountain of Ararat, was their ancestors. This is why they claim for the
Ararat, as if it belongs to Armenians as a sacred land. This assertion is
reinforced by Armenian Church. Based on this thesis, Armenians describe
themselves as “chosen nation” due to this collective belief. Mental
representations of their identity consist of this core belief that their
nation has been tested by various tests throughout history and they have
overcome all difficulties and could have survived. Now it could be
understandable why the Armenian Church tries to make a connection between
the Noah Flood and the Relocation of Armenians in 1915. There is an
intention of strengthening the image of “victim nation” who has survived
despite great catastrophic events.[10] This analogy which is consciously and
intentionally emphasized by Armenian Church lead to the perception that the
Relocation has had the intention to extinct their race, like the great flood
which removed all other races from earth’s surface. Thus their large group
identity and mental representations related to this identity provides a
psychological base for and reinforces their insistence of genocide thesis.
An important component and the axis of the group existence of Armenian
identity is the shared set of beliefs that are based on being a victimized
group. The great traumatic events that they are believed to have been
experiencing since the formation of their community differentiates Armenians
from other nations or groups. They are the nation who has been tested
throughout the history and resuscitated again right on the time when they
have been ceased to exist. In addition to that they had been the victimized
side all the time in history. All these elements of images and belief codes
are the integral part of Armenian identity. Besides, the Armenian Diaspora
and the governors try to hold these images alive and perceive them to be an
opportunity for benefiting in international relations. Geopolitical,
demographic, economic, political and military statuses of the Republic of
Armenia are also reinforcing this victimization perception. Republic of
Armenia is a landlocked state which is deprived of rich natural resources.
It also surrounded by neighbors with whom they have distant relations that
could create security problems and threat perception. In the west, there is
Turkey with larger amount of population, richer natural resources and
stronger economy. In the east, there is Azerbaijan, which has a sea coast
and relatively rich resources, but with whom there is increased tension due
to the war about Nagorno Karabagh. In the north, there is Georgia with whom
there are no good and stable relations except for their narrow economic
relation and it separates Armenia from Russia, which is historically and
culturally closer to Armenia and supports it in economic and political
areas. In the south, there is north border of Iran, where the most of the
population is consisted of Azerbaijanis. Consequently, four sides of it are
surrounded by neighbors with insecure relations that create a
disadvantageous position which promotes both victimization and excusing
psychology. Being surrounded by these neighbors, which share the same
kinship and bloodlines that Armenia have been involved in the ethnic enmity
toward them in the past, intensify the perception of misery and
victimization psychology in Armenian group behavior. They also reinforce the
psychology of excusing and attitudes of premium giving to the victimization
in the west. Especially its relationship with Russia, which can be defined
by an analogy of clinging and dependent relationship between father and son,
is legitimized by this state of being wrapped up. It is seen that religious
and historical bonds between two states result in Russia to give privileged
position to Armenia among other states which have took their independence by
separating from USSR in the Caucasus. From this base, Russia uses its power
over Armenia in order to consolidate its operative effect in economic,
political and military areas in the Caucasus.[11]
In summary, the “identity” stands out as an important factor in the problem
between Armenia and Turkey. The psychology of victimization, which has been
constituted the identity of the “victim” or identity of suppressed nation
and created the perception of the group in need of protection, influences
the international relations regarding the Turkish- Armenian issue. The group
reflexes operating in Armenian identity base on the perennial enmity of
Turks. Turks and Turkey constitute the essential “other” for Armenian side
to project their aggressive parts and maintain the identity of wretchedness.
Armenia seeks legitimization for this phenomenon in juridical and political
areas of international relations.
Role of Large-Group identity in the Turkish-Armenian issue
Large group identity is constructed by the mental codes, which are acquired
through internalization mechanism within the development and socialization
processes of an individual by the members of the group. They are the mental
representations help to make adjustments in the relationships with the
social world. Large group identity is intermixed with the individual’s
personal identity. Because this large group identity is “ego syntonic”,
which means that the beliefs, thoughts, emotions, behaviors and attitudes
pertaining to large group identity are compatible with the person’s own
mental world, the individual does not aware of its existence unless there is
an evident threat to this identity. Yet, it underlies and determines the
mental activities, attitudes and behaviors of an individual as much as the
personal identity actually. In his tent model[12], Vamik D. Volkan defined
large group identity with an image of a tent canvas covering different
individuals of the same group, who might not see and meet with other members
any time. This canvas covers on top of the personal clothes of the
individual, which represents the personal identity. It brings people
together by creating the we-ness in the group and draws the borders of the
group by defining the in-group and out-group. This border protects group
from outer dangers. Group leader functions the pole of the tent, which keeps
the tent upright position and determines its direction. When the canvas or
the pole of the tent is threatened, the shared we-ness within the group
increases, which will eventually create the awareness of being a member of
that large-group. Large group identity becomes to be even more important
than the personal identity in the threatening dangerous situations.
The characteristics of the threatening event for the large group are
important determinants of how the group will react to this event. The danger
can be a real danger that could threaten the group existence. Or the event
can be just ‘perceived’ to be threatening to the group, yet it may not be
dangerous in reality. The important thing here is the sharing of this
perception by the group members, as the amplifier of we-ness.
1915 Armenian Relocation has been an important traumatic event especially
for the innocent Armenians who have not been involved in the rebellion
actions. Because, besides these people faced with the risk of being killed
due to war context, they fought with poverty, starvation, epidemic diseases
caused by the immigration as well. Survivors have experienced traumatic
events or witnessed such events throughout the way to their new place into
be exiled. As a matter of fact, this was not difficult to expect that this
relocation, all by itself, was a great traumatic event that will strengthen
and magnify the large group identity of Armenians.
Trauma has great impact in the human mind and psychology. The perception of
the event, beside its characteristics in reality, determines its degree of
influence. In order for the human mind to resolve the effects of trauma, it
needs processing the disturbing information like a digest process of the
food that is required for the organism to absorb it. The existing mental
structures are broken down into pieces by the trauma. The reconstruction of
these shaken belief system and schemas of the individual is the main object
to be achieved. The individual needs to live and complete his or her grief
by means of accepting his or her loss and grief in order achieve a new set
of beliefs and reconstructed identity. In order complete the grief process,
the lost object should be retained in the past as memories, should not
carried into the present issues.
Societal traumas also result in similar consequences for the large group
identity, like the effects of loss and trauma to the personal identity. If
the members of the group perceive themselves as weak, helpless, damaged and
victim, the group carries the past traumatic event into the present as a
“chosen trauma”. This event is transmitted throughout the generations and
tried to keep alive.[13] “Transgenerational transmission is when an older
person unconsciously externalizes his traumatized self onto a developing
child’s personality. A child then becomes a reservoir for the unwanted,
troublesome parts of an older generation. Because the elders have influence
on a child, the child absorbs their wishes and expectations and is driven to
act on them. It becomes the child’s task to mourn, to reverse the
humiliation and feelings of helplessness pertaining to the trauma of his
forebears.”[14] The transmission of the trauma-related affective and
cognitive material to the child does not have to be occurred intentionally
and verbally. The mental images are delivered through non- verbal
communication or while transmitting family history by stories, fairy tales,
songs… etc. unconsciously. The messages such as “you mourn for my pain
instead of me”, “I was humiliated, you reversed this for me”, “be assertive
and protect yourself and your rights instead of me”, “idealize our
victimization”, “take revenge of violence against me”, “repair our
trauma”[15] are given to the next generations.
The group leader can exacerbate and inflame the chosen trauma during the
generational transmission. The easiest way to mobilize and direct a group in
a desired way is to create a perception that there is threat outside and to
enhance we-ness in the group. The group identity, which has been sleeping
for a while, can be mobilized and enlivened by means of making the group to
remember the past trauma or loss again. The trauma or loss, for which the
grief process could not have completed by the group in the past, can be very
potent tool to manage the group. Even if there is a great time lag between
the traumatic event and the present, the trauma can be re-experienced by the
group as vivid as if it is happened to them. “Time collapse” occurs that the
past collapses onto the present and affective responses given by the group
nearly as powerful as the time that traumatic event has been
experienced.[16] Especially in the times of stress, the group regresses to a
lower level of functioning that the emotional and other mental processes
shared by the group becomes more primitive thus more easy to control by
leaders or other political actors. These vigorous emotions experienced
within the group are used with the intention of social mobilization.
From this point of view, 1915 Armenian Relocation is functioning as “chosen
trauma” for the Armenians. It is an important source of we-ness and group
identity especially for the Armenian Diasporas. This historical event
occupies great place in the Armenian policies. Great part of Armenian
Diaspora’s activities is constituted by the struggle for the recognition of
this event as “Armenian genocide”. These can show that although the event
has been occurred at least four generations ago, the Relocation has great
impact on Armenians today and influences the group emotionally. Although
third and fourth generations have not experienced the relocation, they show
greater enmity toward Turkish people than the first generation Armenians.
Also they are more radical about and insist more harshly on the “Armenian
genocide” then the preceding generations. These observations are enough to
state that there is psychological processes operating behind the reality in
Turkish- Armenian issue. Armenian policies try to reinforce the
transgenerational transmission and time collapse for the 1915 Relocation by
means of the disinformation procedures, which can take place through media
and national education devices in order to make the society homogeneous
enough to control the group in a desired direction. These kinds of
psychological processes and mechanisms can be used as a manipulation device
in the international relations by macro actors as well. For example,
Armenian side’s thesis and demands from Turkey have been stated by different
authorities who are against the Turkey’s membership to the European Union.
The demands for the acceptance of “Armenian genocide” have been put in front
of Turkish side as an obstacle for starting of the negotiations. This
historical issue is tried to be used as a political tool in international
relations.
There is a research, which has results supporting the abovementioned
opinions, has been conducted by Turkish Economic and Social Studies
Foundation (TESEV) in Turkey and Armenia.[17] Some examples of the results
can be revealed that Armenians stated their information resources about
Turks and Turkey are press/media, history books, and old generations/family
seniors in sequence.[18] The rate of giving erroneous answers for the
Turkey’s characteristics like religious structure or political system has
been found to be increasing by increasing the education level of the
Armenians.[19] These results indicated that government ideology and
perspective may distort the information given to the Armenians about Turkey
by disinformation mechanisms.
The careful examination of research results revealed that Armenians were
more prejudiced in their responses then the Turks. For example, while many
Turks have answered the questions measuring their level of knowledge about
Armenians by the response of “I don’t know” generally, Armenians generally
and consistently have given negative responses for the same questions about
Turks.[20] This shows that Turkish side was more neutral toward Armenians,
whereas Armenians were more biased in their responses; hence Armenian side
uses more projective mechanisms then Turkish side.[21] Similarly, for the
questions measuring the attitudes of two sides about each other, while
variety of the answers of Turkish side is broad, Armenians gave
stereotypically negative answers, thus variety of their responses is small
and restricted negatively. This indicated that Armenians are more
homogeneous group then Turks in terms of their attitudes about them. When
they were asked to report their expectations about other side’s attitudes
about themselves, Armenians expected that Turks have more negative attitudes
about themselves then in reality, thus their expectations were negatively
biased. On the contrary, to lesser extend, Turks expected that Armenians
have more positive attitudes about Turks then in reality, thus their
expectations were positively biased.[22] In the questions tried to assess
the mental representations of Armenians and Turks about each other, two-
thirds of the answers of Armenians consisted of negative adjectives, such as
“enemy, barbarian, bloodthirsty, murderer, wild…”. Whereas one-thirds of
Turks’ responses involved negative adjectives, like “egoist, self-centered,
prejudiced, enemy…”. Remainder two-thirds of Turks’ responses contained
definitions such as “good people, endeavoring, a friendly nation, very
clever, human, Christian, Armenian…”[23]
According to a result revealing “transgenerational transmission”, while
18-29 age of Armenians were the group which define the Turks with the most
negative terms, 30-44 age group defined the Turks with average and more
positive terms.[24] Similarly, in the question of “would you purchase the
Turkish products?”, the younger the age group, the higher the rate of
response of “no”.[25] These results show that there is higher rate of enmity
and prejudice toward Turks in the third generation then the first and second
generations. Consequently, unresolved trauma and mourning of the first
generation of Armenians after the 1915 Relocation is transmitted to the
third generation through grandfather/ grandmother and grandchild
relationships. And these can be evidence that Armenian policy, which was
transformed toward policies that promote the enmity against Turks and
demands of the recognition of “Armenian genocide” especially after 1950’s,
uses mass communication for disinformation about Turkish side and pumping
the Turkish enmity among Armenians.
Conclusion
The main object of this paper, which tries to understand the psychological
dynamics of Turkish-Armenian issue, is to examine the psychological dynamics
operating within the policies and group identity of Armenian side rather
then Turkish side. In order for a broad and comprehensive evaluation of the
issue, psychological factors affecting the Turkish side should also be taken
into account, because transactional, reciprocal and interactive processes
take place in international system, like in all other systems. Thus the
analysis, which does not take two sides into account, will be incomplete to
understand the whole. In addition, it would be non-sense to state that all
the factors affecting the Turkish side are de facto. Some characteristics
related to the group identity of Turkish side have maintaining effect for
the Armenian-Turkish issue as well. These characteristics and related
psychological dynamics should be explored in another paper, which will
complete this review.
The main argument in this paper is that the reality in international
relations can be biased by many psychological mechanisms. There are some
ancient psychological mechanisms and dynamics behind the demands of
“Armenian genocide” recognition, not the reality.
These psychological mechanisms operating behind the conflictive structure of
Turkish- Armenian relations provide important tools for archeological
digging up for the etiology of the problem. Full comprehension of this
problem, which is seen as affecting the international relations as well, can
be possible only by means of taking human factor into account. Rather then
reality, humans’, groups’, or nations’ “perceived” reality make strong
influence on the policies. In international system, where macro actors’
manipulations have important effects basically, the human factor may cause
unexpected effects occasionally, and sometimes these psychological
backgrounds and resources can be used and controlled by the macro actors in
direction with their benefits. The victimization psychology and group
identity, which have become fully developed fifty years ago, operating in
the Armenian group psychology, function as a manipulation tool in the
political maneuvers of these international actors intentionally or
unconsciously.
Turkey needs to develop the more efficient way and more skillful ability to
deal with Armenian side’s projections of threat and enmity in order to get a
better position in the political circumstances related to the Turkish-
Armenian issue. This cannot be achieved through reactive and polarizing
policies. On the other hand, it cannot be realized by excusing and accepting
approaches as well. Understanding of this issue should get rid off from the
duality of either accepting or rejecting the “Armenian genocide” hypothesis.
The new policy style should be reframed around the awareness that there are
important psychological mechanisms operating within the Turkish-Armenian
issue and they have potential to distort the reality. The other part of this
new policy should contain various methods of influencing the actors and
making them to accept this point of view inside and outside of Turkey.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* Clinical Psychologist, MA, ASAM Political Psychology
Specialist, e-mail: sgoral@asam.org.tr
[1] F. Sevinç Göral, “Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerde Siyaset
Psikolojisi”, Stratejik Analiz, Vol 5, Iss. 59, March 2005, ss.77-82.
[2] Valarie M. Hudson and Christopher S. Vore, “Dış Politika Analizinin
Dünü, Bugünü ve Yarını”, Erol Göka and Işık Kuşçu (in ed.), Uluslararası
İlişkilerin Psikolojisi, ASAM Yayınları, Ankara, 2002.
[3] Herbert Kelman and Ronald Fisher, “Conflict Analysis and Resolution”,
David Sears, Leonie Huddy and Robert Jervis (in ed.), Oxford Handbook of
Political Psychology, Oxford University Press, New York, 2003, pp. 316- 320.
[4] Vamık D. Volkan, “Uluslararası İlişkilerde Psikanaliz ve Psikanalizde
Uluslararası İlişkiler 1: Psikanaliz ve Diplomasi Arası İşbirliğinde
Engeller”, (Translation: F. Sevinç Göral), Stratejik Analiz, Vol 6, Iss. 62,
June 2005, ss. 52-57.
[5] Nuri Bilgin, Siyaset ve İnsan, Bağlam Yayınları, İstanbul, 1997, pp. 92-
98.
[6] Erol Göka, “Ermeni Sorunu’nun (Gözden Kaçan) Psikolojik Boyutu”, Ermeni
Araştırmaları, Cilt 1, (Mart, 2001), p. 131.
[7] Erol Göka, “Ermeni Diasporasının Psikolojisi”, Ermeni Araştırmaları 1.
Türkiye Kongresi Bildirileri, Vol. 3, ASAM Yayınları, Ankara, 20-21 Nisan
2002, p. 43.
[8] İbrahim Kaya, “The Holocoust and Armenian Case: Highlighting the Main
Differences”, Armenian Studies, A Quarterly Journal of History, Politics and
International Relations, Vol. 4, pp. 274- 295.
[9] Haluk Özdemir, “Diaspora Ararat’ı Ararken: Ermeni Kimliği ve Soykırım
İddiaları”, Ermeni Araştırmaları, Vol. 4, Iss. 14- 15, pp. 75- 97; Laçiner,
“Ermeni..., pp. 13- 25; Erol Göka, “Ermeni Diasporasının ..., pp. 39- 46;
Erol Göka, “Ermeni Sorununun..., pp. 128- 136; Ömer E. Lütem, Ermeni Sorunu,
Seminar presented in CESS, 21 Temmuz 2005.
[10] Sedat Laçiner, “Ermeni Sorunu’nun Temel Unsurları Olarak Ermeni Kimlik
Bunalımı ve Güç Politikaları”, Ermeni Araştırmaları 1. Türkiye Kongresi
Bildirileri, Vol. 3, ASAM Yayınları, Ankara, 20-21 April 2002, p. 20.
[11] Sedat Laçiner, Türk Ermeni İlişkileri, Kaknüs Yayınları, İstanbul,
2004, pp. 237- 246.
[12] Vamık D. Volkan, Kanbağı Etnik Gururdan Etnik Teröre, Bağlam Yayınları,
İstanbul, 1999, p. 40.
[13] Vamık D. Volkan, Politik Psikoloji, Ankara Üniversitesi Yayınları,
Ankara, 1993, p. 70.
[14] Vamık D. Volkan, Bloodlines: From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism,
Westview Press, Colorado, 1997, p. 43.
[15] Vamık D. Volkan, “Psychoanalysis and History”, Psychoanalytic View
2:History of the Person, History of the World Symposia, 24- 26 April 2004,
İstanbul.
[16] Vamık Volkan gave the example of time collapse that Milosevic and his
followers showed around the bones of Lazar, who is a Serbian prince, has
been killed in Kosovo War in 1389 by the Ottomans. Milosevic have dug and
get the bones of Lazar out of the grave in the 600th anniversary of this
war. The bones have been carried from village to village and city to city
throughout the country. This was the beginning of the process causing the
genocide of Muslims in Bosnia Herzegovina. For more detailed examination,
look at Volkan, Kanbağı..., pp. 65-100. In addition, it is known that
monuments, literature, film and cinema industry can be used to maintain
feelings of we-ness and group identity alive and powerful for certain
purposes by using chosen traumas.
[17] Frehat Kentel ve Gevorg Poghosyan, Ermenistan ve Türkiye Vatandaşları
Karşılıklı Algılama Projesi, Erivan, İstanbul, 2005, TESEVweb site,
http://www.tesev.org.tr/etkinlik/Turk_ermeni_rapor.pdf
[18] Kentel ve Poghosyan, Ermenistan... p. 18.
[19] Kentel ve Poghosyan, Ermenistan... pp. 11-12.
[20] Kentel ve Poghosyan, Ermenistan... pp. 16-18.
[21] Projection: It is one of the defense mechanisms that human beings use
during the early development. The infant projects unwanted negative mental
representations, which are not integrated into a whole object yet, to
outside in order to get rid of the destructiveness of his/ her aggressive
impulses and to survive. He/she experiences them as they come from outside.
Human projects its own destructiveness and badness to outside and creates an
illusive perception that “the bad and evil is he / she / it, not me”. The
projection has important functions in the construction and development of
being a nation as well. The group needs to project its bad parts onto other
and to create an enemy outside in order to set the feelings of we-ness, to
gathering around shared and idealized issues. For more detailed information,
look at, Erol Göka, F. Sevinç Göral and F. Volkan Yüksel, “Birbirimize Ne
Yapıyoruz? İnsan İlişkilerini Kavramanın Bir Aracı Olarak Yansıtmalı
Özdeşim”, Avrasya Dosyası, Vol 10, No. 1, Spring 2004, pp. 279-314.
[22] Kentel ve Poghosyan, Ermenistan... p. 27.
[23] Kentel ve Poghosyan, Ermenistan... pp. 28-29
[24] Kentel ve Poghosyan, Ermenistan... p. 29.
[25] Kentel ve Poghosyan, Ermenistan... p. 33.
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