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Armenian Community in Australia

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Kamer KASIM*
Armenian Studies, Issue 3, September-October-November 2001

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This article will analyze the Armenian Diaspora in Australia. The Armenian Diaspora organizations’ activities in Australia will be focused on. As it will be discussed below unlike the countries such as the US and Canada, where Armenian settlement went back to the 19th century, the Armenians mainly came to Australia in the 1960s. Thus, the Armenian Community in Australia has existed just for last forty years, which means they do not have a long history in this country. For this reason, Armenians in Australia do not have lots of organizations as the Armenians had in other countries, like the US, France or Canada. Despite this, the Armenian Diaspora in Australia established community organizations and Diaspora organizations and the political parties opened branches in Australia.

The Armenians immigrated to different countries and regions in history. For this reason, Armenian communities exist in various countries. The population of Armenia is about 3 million. The number of Armenians live in the Diaspora is varying in different sources. About 750,000 Armenians live in the US and 50,000 in Canada. In Europe, the highest number of the Armenians live in France where more than 300,000 Armenians settled. In the Middle East, Iran and Lebanon have the highest number of Armenian population. In both, there are more than 200,000 Armenians. Compared with these states, a smaller number of Armenians live in Australia, about 30,000.[1]

Australia is the country of immigrants and immigration plays an important role in Australia’s demographic, social and economic development. Massive immigration to Australia started at the end of the Second World War when the Australian Government opened its door for immigrants. Australian Government provided accommodation for immigrants in Commonwealth hostels and helped their transportation to Australia. The Armenian immigration to Australia was not intensified until the 1960s, which was late compared with the other states that Armenians immigrated. Since the end of the Second World War, 5.5 million people immigrated to Australia. Australia’s population rose from 7 million in 1945 to over 18 million at the end of the 1 990s and immigration played an important role in this.[2]

2. Armenian Settlement and Activities

Armenian immigration to Australia started in the second half of the 19th century. First Armenian immigrants who came to Australia were the adventurous people searching for gold in the “unknown territory”. These Armenians were from the Asian countries such as India and Singapore. At that time there was a debate among the Armenian community in India and Singapore about Armenian immigration to Australia. An Armenian newspaper published in Calcutta called Azgarez Araratian for instance opposed the Armenian immigration to Australia on the grounds that the Armenians in India would lose their position as a result of the immigration.[3] However, this immigration was very limited during the 19th century. The Armenians started to immigrate to Australia in large numbers during the 1960s. The main reasons for this immigration were to seek better life and political instability in the territories where the Armenians lived. During the 1960s and 70s political turmoil in Egypt and Syria led to Armenian immigration and the Civil War in Lebanon also forced some Armenians to migrate to Australia. The Armenian community in Australia, as mentioned, is one of the youngest among the Armenian communities around the world. 20,000-25,000 Armenians in Australia settled in the Greater Sydney Metropolitan Region and 5,000-10,000 Armenians live in the Victoria region, mostly in Melbourne. Poladian, who is an Armenian immigrant in Australia, mentioned Father Aramais Mirzaian as an important figure who helped Armenian immigrants in finding house and job in the 1960s and he also published a monthly church bulletin, Looyce.[4] The First Armenians who came to Australia were traders and manual workers. Later, particularly with the Civil War in Lebanon teachers, doctors and engineers immigrated to Australia. As was the case in the countries where the Armenians settled in relatively large numbers, Armenians in Australia opened community organizations. They set up schools and social clubs and Armenian political parties opened their branches, the organizations published newspapers and magazines. The biggest Armenian organization in Australia is the Armenian National Committee of Australia (ANCA). The ANCA’s activities include grass-roots political advocacy, lobbying, anti-racial vilification, media relations, the research, analysis and dissemination of information and public relations.

“The ANCA also facilitates individual and collective action by members of the Armenian-Australian Community, and to encourage Armenian-Australians to participate fully in the Australian political process and to voice their views and concerns to their government officials (local, state or national), and the media. The ANCA also seeks the development of closer cultural, economic and educational ties between Australia and the Republic of Armenia."[5]

One of the primary goals of the ANCA is to promote Armenian “Genocide” in which ANCA is in close cooperation with Macquire University’s Centre for Comparative Genocide Studies. To promote Armenian Studies in educational institutions, the ANCA established the Armenian Resource Centre (ARC). The ARC has assisted students and academics interested in Armenian Studies. The President of the ANCA is Dr. Tro Kortian who is himself an academic at the University of Sydney, Department of Finance. There are other Armenian organizations, which affiliated to the ANCA: the Armenian Youth Federation of Australia, Armenian Cultural Centres, Armenian Cultural Educational Society of Australia, Arshak and Sophie Galstaun Armenian Day School, Armenian Relief Society of Australia, Hometemen: Armenian Union of Physical Culture and Scouting, Armenia Weekly, Voice of Sartarabad, FM 91.5 and Voice of horizon, FM 98.5.[6]

The Armenian community in Australia has several cultural, youth, sporting and welfare organizations and each of them has its own regional branches. In Sydney, there are three Armenian private day schools, four Saturday schools and one children’s kindergarten. There is one Armenian TV channel called ARM TV, which was established in 1994 and broadcasts over 2.5 hours each week (Wednesdays between 7:00-7:30 pm, 10:00-1 1:00 pm, and Sundays 1:00-2:00 pm).[7] The Armenian General Benevolent Union of Australia is also another Armenian organization, which focuses on sporting activities and education. The Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) has branches in many of states and provides scholarships for higher education and the AGBU administers sixty-two elementary and high schools, community centers and offices in twenty-two countries. In Australia the AOI3U has its offices since 1960’s.[8] Later the Australian Armenian Association emerged as a splinter group from the AGBU and they declared that they have no links with any Armenian religious, cultural and political organizations. This indicated the sharp divisions even within the same organization

As the Armenians claim that they were the first nation to adopt Christianity as a national religion, the Church plays an important role in the live of the Armenian Diaspora.[9] The majority of the Armenians in Australia belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church (Armenian Orthodox), remaining segments of the Armenian community adhere to either the Armenian Catholic church or to several Armenian Evangelical churches. Currently, in Sydney there are 6 Armenian churches consisting of 1 Armenian Apostolic, 1 Armenian Catholic, and 4 Armenian Evangelical.[10] The Armenian churches served as institutions, which helped the Armenian immigrants in education, housing and provided them financial aid. Armenian churches aimed to protect Armenian culture, during the process of the Armenian immigrants’ adaptation to the Australian society. Armenian churches also became vehicles for Armenians to express their identity, since when the new immigrants reached a foreign territory; generally they found the church as the only familiar institution for themselves. The church was the driving force to help immigrants in their adaptation to the new place.[11]

Language has been another key element to protect the Armenian culture in Diaspora. For this reason, children are thought Armenian language. To protect Armenian identity connecting the Armenians with Armenia has been an important element. Thus generations were reminded that Armenians’ homeland is Armenia.

The Armenian community organizations mentioned above developed since the 1960s when large number of Armenians arrived in Australia. At the end of the 1960s Armenian General Benevolent Union, Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF-Dashnak) and two Sunday schools had already been set up. The Armenian Diaspora had a special feature: They founded political parties in Diaspora. The ARF was set up in Australia in the 1960s and in the 1980s The Social Democrat hunchakian Party and Ramgavar Party were set up and the Armenian political spectrum was completed in Australia. These political parties existed in Armenia as well as in some other states where Armenians live in large numbers. Among these parties the Ramgavar Party is the smallest one. The Ramgavar Party was the successor of the Armenakan organization, which was established in 1885. The Ramgavar Party has cooperated with hunchak for a long time. It opened branches in many countries all over the world.[12] The ARP was founded in 1890 with the aim, "to achieve political and economic freedom in Turkish Armenia by means of rebellion.., and subjecting to terrorism the Government officials, the traitors,..."[13] During the Ottoman period, the ARF had organized rebel bands and raided villages. After that period, the ARF operated mainly in Lebanon, France and Greece and it is existent in Australia for about 30 years.

The Hunchak (liunchakian Revolutionary Party) was founded in Geneva in 1886. The hunchak aimed to “change Ottoman Armenia by violence against the Turkish government (through) propaganda, agitation, terror and peasant and worker activities”.[14] It also operated in various countries. During the Cold War the Hunchak and the ARF had different policies regarding the Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR) of Armenia. The Nunchak had a socialist programme and unlike the ARF, which declared war against the Soviet rule in Armenia, the liunchak had links with the USSR. The Hunchak established links with the Australia. USSR Friendship Society. The hunchak and the ARF had different perceptions about the Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia, while the former celebrated the SSR Armenia’s national day, 29th of November, the latter celebrated the national day of short lived Armenian state which was established on 28th of May 1918.[15] The differences among Diaspora organizations and particularly among political parties were a common phenomenon. Political parties became organizations, which helped other community organizations to be established and they intended to have control over the other community organizations. Political parties presented themselves as a key for solution of all problems of the Armenians. Political parties also politicized the Armenian Diaspora. The Armenian political parties, particularly, the ARF supported the terrorist activities. The Turkish diplomats were assassinated in different states around the world. This issue will be analyzed below. Diaspora organizations created feelings that the Armenians had common ties beyond states where they live. However, Gerard Libaridian indicates that some cultural organizations like hamazkaine and Tekeyan, which were established in the Middle East, could not become effective in the US, Canada and France.[16]

In Australia, the Church, AGBU and ARF were the organizations leading the Armenian community until the 1980’s. After that many organizations were formed and as discussed above rivalry began between the ARF and Nunchak and other organizations.

3. Terror In Australia

The Armenian terrorist groups started to operate in the mid¬1970s and they carried out 200 attacks in 38 cities of 21 countries. In these attacks, 42 Turkish diplomats and 4 people from other nations were killed, while 15 Turks and 66 other nationals were wounded. Among the terrorist organizations, which carried out these attacks, the most known is the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA).[17] The first of the serious terrorist attacks was started with the assassination of Mehmet Baydar, Turkey’s Consul General of Los Angeles and his deputy Bahad?r Demir on 28th January 1973. This attack was conducted by Gourgen Yanikan who had not been connected with any terrorist organization. however, later attacks were carried out by the terrorist organizations. The second terrorist attack was directed against Turkey’s Ambassador in Vienna, Dani? Tunal?gil who was killed on 22nd of October 1975. The ASALA claimed responsibility for this attack. The ASALA considered itself as a revolutionary movement fighting against so-called Turkish and American imperialism. The ASALA also labeled the U.K. and France as imperialist nations.[18] The ASALA differed from its more rightist Armenian counterparts such as the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide/Armenian Revolutionary Army and the ARF. An anti-Western attitude has been seen in ASALA. For example, ASALA argued that

“...The Resolution of the Armenian cause can only be realized through armed struggle and by liberating occupied Armenian lands from Turkish fascism. Is it possible to expect liberation of our lands with the help of the West when imperialist military bases exist on these territories.”[19]

The ASALA carried out seventy terrorist attacks against Turkey. However, it also directed attacks against various states and other Armenians.[20] The ASALA bombed the air France office and the French Cultural Center in Beirut and a McDonald’s restaurant in Paris.

The other terrorist organizations were also conducted attacks against Turkish diplomats. One of these attacks took place in Australia on the 17th of December 1980 when Turkey’s Consul General of Sydney ?ar?k Ar?yak and his security guard Engin Sever were murdered. It was the most serious terrorist activity against Turkish targets in Australia.[21] The Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide (JCAG) claimed responsibility for this terrorist act. The JCAG was a smaller terrorist organization compared with the ASALA. Hyland argued that “the story of the JCAG is the story of the terrorist arm of the ARF (Dashnak)”.[22] The JCAO was created and maintained by the ARF with the main aim of giving the impression that the Dashnak Party did not involve in terrorist activities. The Dashnak dedicated itself to the establishment of an independent Armenian state. Thus the Dashnak opposed the Soviet rule in Armenia during the Cold War. In that aspect the Dashnak was different from the ASALA and Hunchak, since they had ties with the Soviet Union. The Dashnak assassinated the Archbishop of holy Cross Armenian Church in New York City in 1933. The reason for this killing was the Archbishop’s approval of the concept of Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia, which Dashnak strongly opposed.[23] After the death of the former leaders of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, the Dashnak Party changed its policy of strong hostility towards the Soviet Union and the new emphasis for the Dashnak was Turkey and its ally the United States, both of which was considered as enemies for the Dashnak.[24] In that atmosphere, the JCAG was established by the Dashnak in 1975. The JCAG was later renamed as the Armenian Revolutionary Army (ARA).[25] The Central Committee of the Dashnak Party denied any link with the JCAG. However, the Dashnak associated publications covered attacks by the JCAG extensively and glorified the attackers. The linkages between the Dashnak and the JCAG surfaced clearly after each terrorist attack carried out by the JCAG.[26] On the 27th of May 1976, a bomb exploded in the Dashnak headquarters in Paris and by the body of the Lebanese-Armenian bomb maker, leaflets were found about the previous attacks carried out by the JCAG and also another planned attack.[27] This provided material evidence of the linkages between the Dashnak and the JCAG.

The attack against Turkey’s Consul General of Sydney on the 17th of December 1980 was carried out by two persons with motorbike while ?ar?k Ar?yak was going to the Turkish Consulate from his residence.[28] This terrorist attack was condemned by the NATO and US. The Turkish community in Sydney prepared a statement, which was read in the ethnic radio 2 EA. However, the terrorist organization, the JCAQ, was not mentioned in the statement. The manager of the ethnic radio 2 EA was an Armenian S. Kerkyasharian. ?im?ir argued that this might be the reason why the JCAG was not mentioned and if it was mentioned, it might not have been broadcasted.[29] To condemn international terrorism the Turkish Community in Sydney walked in silence and 5 thousand people took part in the walk. Turkish newspapers, published in Australia criticized the ethnic radio 2EA due to its bias broadcasting.[30] Terrorism was alien to Australia and the Australian media covered the terrorist attack extensively. However, they covered the attack in a way to justify the terrorism rather than to condemn it. For example, the Canberra Times wrote “Armenian revenge against Turks. Today’s Hatrets Fuled by Injustices of Yesterday”. Rod Usher in the Age newspaper titled his article as “Revenge Around the World for a Wrong of Long Ago”. One of the main aims of any terrorist organizations is to make its voices heard and they use terror as a tool for their propaganda. The Australian media gave the terrorist organization a chance to make propaganda with the way they dealt with the assassination of Turkey’s Consul General and his guard. The Australian media did not concern about the murder of the two people rather their main concern was possible ethnic strife between the Armenian and Turkish communities in Australia.[31]

It was unfortunate that the Armenian community leaders did not condemn the terrorist act and the JCAO. Instead an Armenian religious leader, K. Kazanjian stated that Turkish left or Kurds might have been responsible for the assassination.[32] In Turkey, the murder of Turkey’s Consul General and his guard were regarded in the context of Armenian terrorism targeted the Turkish diplomats. Turkish press discussed the history of the Armenian terrorism. Hürriyet newspaper wrote that “Murderers killed 15 in the last 5 years and there were 140 attacks against our diplomats, embassies and consulates in the same period”.[33] In his article, Fahir Armao?lu mentioned the JCAG and he argued that Turkey should make its voice heard in the civilized world.[34] Mehmet Ali Birand wrote that the Turkish diplomats and their families experience difficulties abroad. He stated that due to the fear of terror Consul Generals could not walk on the street without a guard and diplomats work in places where windows were always closed.[35]

Armenian Community in Turkey condemned the terrorist activity and both Patriarch ?nork Kalustyan and the spiritual leader of the Catholic Armenians, Kahan Çolakyan stated that the terrorist attack did not comply with humanity and any religion and murderers should be caught quickly.[36] The Australian authorities were unsuccessful to catch the two terrorists.

4. Australia’s Relations With Armenia And The Armenian Community’s Role In The Relations

The Armenian Diaspora all over the world has made efforts to connect the Armenians with Armenia, which is considered as historical homeland by the Armenians. however, during the Cold War the Diaspora’s contact with Armenia was limited. In Australia, the Church invited some Armenian groups for concerts. Few Armenians were also able to visit Armenia via Lebanon. An organization called the Committee of Cultural Relations with Armenians Abroad was opened in Armenia and this committee published a weekly newspaper, which was delivered to many Armenians abroad free of charge. The Committee sent Armenian delegations to Australia and invited community leaders of Diaspora to Armenia. Armenian organizations in Australia like the AGBU and The Armenian Cultural Society sent teachers and students to Armenia every year.[37] The Armenian community in Australia has also sent aid to Armenia after the earthquake of 1988. Until the independence of Armenia the contact between the Armenians in Australia and Armenia was limited to the above-mentioned activities. The independence of Armenia opened new opportunities for the Diaspora to extend its contacts with the motherland. It is important to discuss Diaspora’s view of Armenia and how Diaspora reacted towards the independence and Diaspora’s and Armenia’s expectations from each other.

For many Diaspora Armenians, Armenia was a far away place about which they did not know much. When Armenia became independent the Diaspora organizations and the political parties welcomed and supported the independence. However, among the Diaspora parties, the ARF had a cold reaction about the independence of Armenia. The ARF was the biggest Diaspora party and it became like a state within the Armenian Diaspora, and the ARF had a difficulty to accept the independence of Armenia unless Armenia was controlled by the ARF. According to the ARF, the declaration of independence was made without any preparation and Armenia was governed by a group of inexperienced young leaders. The ARF harshly criticized the first President of Armenia, Ter-Petrosyan and blamed him to steal the ARF’s flag and national anthem and used them as the Republic of Armenia’s own flag and national anthem.[38]

The relations between Armenia and the Diaspora developed rapidly. Unlike during the Cold War, Diaspora organizations, politicians and businessmen visited Armenia frequently. They faced the real Armenia and its people rather than their perception of Armenia. According to Libaridian, the Diaspora Armenians realized that Armenia was not a history or a museum but real people lived in Armenia where real problems such as unemployment, high inflation and poverty existed.[39] Diaspora organizations sent a lot of help to Armenia and Diaspora parties were quick to open their branches there. However, Diaspora parties’ aim to transfer their agenda to Armenia does not suit Armenia’s interest, since Armenia is a state, which has to establish relations with other states, especially the neighboring ones, and Armenia’s President can not follow the objectives of Diaspora parties.[40] In terms of Diaspora’s relations with Armenia, the two different arguments have been presented. One argument is that the Diaspora wants to impose its ideas and its objectives onto Armenia and uses Armenia as play field in the competition among Diaspora organizations.[41] Another argument is that Armenia wants to exploit Armenian Diaspora. Beledian argued that

“Armenia’s goal, now as in the past, is to make the Diaspora an instrument. Any state would do the same. The question was whether the people of the Diaspora would want to become mere instruments and whether they could agree to become instruments without endangering their survival as communities.”[42]

It might be argued that the Diaspora has great power over Armenia and it became an important factor in Armenia’s relations with the countries where Armenian Diaspora existed. Although the Armenian Diaspora in Australia is not as effective as those of in the US, Canada, France and Britain, they play an imported role in Australia’s relations with Armenia.

Australia recognized the independence of Armenia on the 26th of December 1991 and established diplomatic relations on the 15th of January 1992. Australian Embassy in Moscow is in charge of Armenia’s consular affairs. In general, Australia’s relations with Armenia have not been developed in both political and economic level. Bilateral trade between the two countries is relatively low.[43] However, Australia has a contact even with the representatives of the Nagorno-Karabakh administration. One important visit held on the 3rd of June 1999 when Armen Sarkissian, the Minister for Culture, Sports and Youth Affairs of “The Republic of Nagorno¬Karabakh” visited Australia. He stayed in Australia for two weeks.

As it was the case in all contacts of representatives from Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh with the Australian authorities, Sarkissian also tried to attract Australian investment to Nagorno-Karabakh. He also expressed his wish for closer cultural and sporting ties between Australia and Nagorno-Karabakh.[44] Businessmen played an important role in the contact between Australia and Nagorno¬Karabakh. The Australian businessman Varuzhan Iskanterian had very active in this respect. He visited Nagorno-Karabakh on the 29th of September 1999 and held talks with “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic” Foreign Minister Naira Melkoumian.[45]

The Armenian community in Australia and particularly the ANCA actively lobbied for Australia’s recognition of the so-called Armenian genocide. The New South Wales State Parliament passed a motion about condemnation of the so-called genocide in 1997 and the New South Wales Parliament also decided the Armenian genocide memorial to be erected on the 29th of April 1998 and this memorial was opened on the 5th of March 1999. It should be noted that New South Wales is the largest and most populace State in Australia and most Armenians in Australia live there. The ANCA’s activities are also concentrated in New South Wales. One of the leading figures to support the Armenian activities there is Peter Collins, the opposition leader of the North Wales Parliament and member of the Queens Council. His constituency, Willoughby, contains the largest concentration of Armenians. A Member of Parliament, John Watkins from Australian Labor Party is also another dedicated supporter of Armenian activities. His constituency, Gladesville, has a large and growing Armenian community.[46] The Turkish community in Australia protested the New South Wales Parliament’s decision.[47] In a response to Turkey’s Parliament Speaker, Y?ld?r?m Akbulut’s complaint about the New South Wales Parliament’s decision, the Member Australian House of Representatives, Neil Andrew said that

“I would like to state that state parliaments are autonomous and they are independent within themselves in Australia. They even regard themselves higher than the federal parliament. Our administrative system does not allow the federal parliament to interfere with the decision of the state parliaments."[48]

The ANCA also tried to establish contacts between the Armenian and Australian member of parliaments. With its effort in August 2001 the Armenia-Australia Parliamentary Friendship group has been formed.[49] Despite their short history in Australia, the Armenian Diaspora is still able to play a role in Australia’s relations with Armenia and particularly the ANCA is very active in that aspect.

5. CONCLUSION

Armenians immigrated to various countries. Their settlement in the US, Canada and France went back to the 19th century. However, Armenian immigration to Australia mainly started in the 1960s due to the instability in the Middle East. Despite their short history in Australia, the Armenian community established organizations like the ANCA and Armenian Diaspora organizations and political parties were quick to open branches in Australia. It might be said that the Armenians in Australia benefited from the experiences of the Armenians who settled other countries earlier. As was the case in other places, Diaspora organizations particularly the Diaspora parties were in competition Australia. The church played an important role at the beginning of the Armenian immigration, but later the other organizations especially the ANCA and AGBU became important diaspora organizations. After the independence of Armenia the contact between Armenia and the Armenian community in Australia increased and the Armenian Diaspora became a driving force in Australia’s relations with Armenia.



[1] For the population about Armenian Diaspora See, http//www.sbs.com.au, ‘Armenian Population Around the World’, Historical Nation of Armenia, Montreal, 1987.
[2] See Agnes Walker, Modeling Immigrants to Australia- to Enter a Dynamic Micro simulation Model, (Portland, Maine) 18-20 July 1997.
[3] ‘Armenian-Speaking Community In Australia’, sbs Radio Community,
http://www.sbs.com.au/radio/armenia/community.html
[4] Arto Poladian, ‘Armenian Community in Sydney Today and During Last Decades As Experienced and Seen By Arto Poladian’, Armenian Internet Journal, http://www.armenia.ru/azdarar/eng/archieves/2000
[5] http://www.ancaustralia.org/anca_profile.htm
[6] http://www.ancaustralia.org/community.htm The Web Page of the Armenian National Committee of Australia.
[7]
http://www.armtv.bigfoot.com, the Web Page of Armtv.
[8]
http://www.agbu.org, the Web page of the AGBU
[9] Erich Feigi argued that the foundation date of the Armenian Gregorian church is not certain and even pro Armenian historians are not sure about the year of foundation. See Prof. Erich Feigl, ‘Ermeni Milli Kilisesinin Zaferi ve Trajedisi”, Armenian Studies, June-July-August, 2001, pp. 65-89.
[10] Armenian Church Directory,
http://www.cilicia.com.
[11] See Gerard J. Libaridian, The Challenge of Statehood, Armenian Political Thinking since Independence, Blue Crane Books, 1999.
[12]
http://www.azg.am./HRAK
[13] K.S. Papazian, Patriotism Perverted, (Boston: Baikar Press, 1934), p. 14-15.
[14] Lousie Nalbandian, The Armenian Revolutionary Movement: The Development of Armenian Political Parties Through the Nineteenth Century, (Berkeley and Los Angles: University of California Press, 1963), p. 110.
[15] Arto Poladian, ‘Armenian Community in Sydney Today and During Last Decades as Experienced and Seen By Arto Poladian’, Armenian Internet Journal,
http://www.armenia.ru/azdarar/eng/archieves/2000
[16] See Gerard J. Libaridian, The Challenge of Statehood, Armenian Political Thinking Since Independence, Blue Crane Books, 1999.
[17] Francis P. Hyland, Armenian Terrorism, the Past, the Present, the Prospects, San Francisco, Oxford, Westview Press, 1991, pp. ix, x.
[18] ASALA Declaration, Armenian Reporter, 24 January 1985.
[19] ASALA Releases Declaration Following Munich Meeting, The Armenian Reporter, 24 January 1985, p. 8.
[20] Francis P. Hyland, Armenian Terrorism, the Past, the Present, the Prospects, (San Francisco and Oxford: Westview Press, 1991), pp. 29. .
[21] On 23 November 1986 a powerful car bomb exploded inside the basement of the Turkish Consulate in Melbourne, killing one person and causing considerable damage to the five-story building. The victim was identified as one of the perpetrators, an Armenian named Hagop Levonian. This attack was claimed by a group calling itself the ‘Greek-Bulgarian-Armenian Front’. The same group also claimed responsibility for a bomb explosion in a package at a mail sorting facility in Brisbane on 19 January 1987. Armenian Allegations: Myth and Reality, A Handbook of Facts and Documents, edited by The Assembly of Turkish-American Associations, (Washington D.C., 1987).
[22] Francis P. Hyland, Armenian Terrorism, the Past, the Present, the Prospects, (San Francisco and Oxford: Westview Press, 1991), p. 61.
[23] Michael M. Gunter, Pursuing the Just Cause of Their People, (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1986), p. 55.
[24] Yves Ternon, The Armenian Cause, (Delmar, New York: Caravan Books, 1985), p. 194.
[25] Francis P. Hyland, Armenian Terrorism, the Past, the Present, the Prospects, San Francisco, Oxford, Westview Press, 1991, pp. 61.
[26] Terrorist attacks carried out by the JCAG against the Turkish diplomats: Turkey’s Vatikan Ambassador Taha Car?m was killed on 9 June 1977. On 2 June 1978 Turkey’s Madrid Ambassador Zeki Kunaralp’s wife Necla Kuneralp and retired Ambassador Be?ir Balc?o?lu were killed. In that attack also Ambassador’s driver Antonio Torres lost his life. Turkey’s Paris Tourism Counselor, Y?lmaz Çolpan was murdered on on 22 December 1979 and as it was discussed above the JCAG was also killed Turkey’s Consul General in Sydney ?ar?k Ar?yak and his security guard Engin Sever.
[27] Hyland, Armenian Terrorism..., p. 62-63. See also, Heath W. Lowry, ‘Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Armenian Terrorism: ‘Threads of Continuity”, In International Terrorism and the Drug Connection, (Ankara: Ankara University, 1984), p. 79-80. Yves Ternon, The Armenian Cause, (DeImar, New York: Caravan Books, 1985), pp. 196-197.
[28] For further details of the attack see, Bilal ?im?ir, ?ehit Diplomatlar?m?z, (1973-1994) 1. Kitap, (Anakra: Bilgi Yay?nevi, 2000), pp. 339-377.
[29] See, BiIaI ?im?ir, ?ehit Diplomatlanm?z, (1973-1994) 1. Kitap, (Ankara, Bilgi Yay?nevi, 2000), p. 344.
[30] ?im?ir, ?ehit Diplomatlar?m?z..., p. 366-367. Yeni Vatan, 22 December 1980. “Katiller Bulunamad?”, Yorum, 5 January 1981. Yeni Nesil, 22 December 1980.
[31] “Armenian revenge against Turks. Today’s Hatreds Fuelled by Injustices of Yesterday”, The Canberra Times, 18 December 1980. “Terrorism in Sydney”, The Canberra Times, 18 December 1980. Rod Usher, “Revenge Around the World for a Wrong of Long Ago”, The Age, 18 December 1980. “This is no Time for Emotional Racisim”, The Australian, 18 December 1980. See also Bilal ?im?ir, ?ehit Diplomatlar?m?z, (1973-1994)1. Kitap, (Ankara: Bilgi Yay?nevi, 2000), pp. 363-366.
[32] ?im?ir, ?ehit Diplomatlar?m?z   p. 367.
[33] Hürriyet, “Lanet Olsun...”, 18 December 1980.
[34] Fahir Armao?lu, ‘Ermeni Adaleti’, Tercüman, 19 December 1980.
[35] M. Ali Birand, “Diplomatlar?m?za Yaz?k De?il mi?”, Milliyet, 19 December 1980.
[36] Bilal ?im?ir, ?ehit Diplomatlar?m?z, (1973-1994) 1. Kitap, (Ankara, Bilgi Yay?nevi, 2000), p. 349.
[37] Armenian Community in Sydney Today and During Last Decades as Experienced and Seen by Arto Poladian’,
http://www.armenia.ru/azdarar/eng/archieves/2000
[38] See Gerard J. Libaridian, The Challenge of Statehood, Armenian Political Thinking Since Independence, Blue Crane Books, 1999. (Ermenilerin Devletle?me S?nav?, Ba??ms?zl?ktan Bugüne Ermeni Siyasi Dü?ünü?ü, (?stanbul: ?leti?im, 2000).
[39] Libaridian, The Challenge of Statehood... pp. 194-198.
[40] Libaridian, The Challenge of Statehood... Chapter 5. The ARF criticized Ter-Petrosyan, particularly for his policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and Turkey. Ter-Petrosyan knew that Armenia could not follow hawkish policy as the ARF suggested.
[41] Libaridian became the voice of this argument about Diaspora’s relations with Armenia and he complained about Diaspora’s intention to dominate Armenia’s political agenda.
[42] ‘Fresh Perspectives on Armenia-Diaspora Relations, Khachig Tölölyan and Krikor Beledian Speak With Haratch’, Armenian Forum,
http://www.gomidas.org/forum/af3c.htm
[43] In 1999 Australian exports to Armenia were worth 950,000 Australian dollars and imports from Armenia were worth 81,000 Australian dollars. http:www.dfat.gov.au/geo/Armenia, Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Home Page.
[44] ‘Nagorno Karabakh Minister on Australian in Visit’, Groong News Network, 3 June 1999.
[45] Asbarez Online,
http://www.asbarez.com, 30 September 1999.
[46] Asbarez Online, 17 April 2001.
http://www.asbarez.com
[47] Turkish Community regarded the decision shameful and unfair. They stated that “Turkish Australian community believes genuinely and in unity that, this disgraceful plaque must be removed from the parliament house for the sake of Australian multiculturalism. Neither Armenians nor the politicians have a right to ruin Australian peaceful ethnic harmony”, Austurk, http://aUSturk.hypermart.net/main.htm, Turkish Australian Community Homepage
[48] ‘Turkey Complains to Australia about Armenian Genocide Day’, the Groong News Network
[49] The members of the Armenia-Australia Parliamentary Friendship Group are: Senator Marise Payne (Chairman); The Hon. Janice Croslo MBE MP (Vice-Chairman); The Hon. Bruce Baird MP (Secretary); The Hon. Dr Brendan Nelson MP, Parliamentary Secretary for the Minister of Defense; The Hon. Joe Hockey MP, Federal Minister for Financial Services and Regulation; The Hon. Alan Cadman MP; The Hon. Bronwyn Bishop MP, Federal Minister for Aged Care; The Hon. Leo McLeay MP; The Hon. Neil Andrew MP, Speaker of the House of Representatives; The Hon. Phillip Ruddock MP, Federal Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs; Minister for Reconciliation and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs; Ms Teresa Gambaro MP; Mr. Anthony Albanese MP; Mr. Patrick Secker MP; Mr. Peter Slipper MP; Mrs. Kay Elson MP; Mrs. Trish Draper MP; Senator the Hon. Margaret Reid, President of the Senate; Senator Alan Eggleston; Senator George Campbell; Senator Grant Chapman; Senator JuIian McGauran; Senator Natasha Stott Despoja, Leader of the Australian Democrats. ‘ANC Australia Welcomes Official Formation of Armenia-Australia Parliamentary Friendship Group’,
http://www.atour.com

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- Armenian Studies, Issue 3, September-October-November 2001
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