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Books out of Print

Chapter II Whose 'Story' Is It?

Lowry Heath W.*
The Story Behind Ambassador Morgenthau's Story
 

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WHOSE ‘STORY’ IS IT?

 

Our sources for the history of Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story, are two collections of surviving Morgenthau papers, one housed in the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., which is known as: The Papers of Henry Morgenthau (Hereafter: LC: PHM)[12] and the other, part of the Henry Morgenthau, Jr. Papers in the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Presidential Library in Hyde Park, New York (Hereafter: :FDR: HMS).[13] These two collections, which comprise literally tens of thousands of documents, must be supplemented by a wide variety of published and unpublished materials, the most important of which are the papers of the well-known Pulitzer Prize winning journalist, biographer and historian, Burton J. Hendrick.[14] For, not only did Ambassador Morgenthau need the approval of President Woodrow Wilson to proceed with the plan for the book which bears his name, more importantly he needed the skilled hand of Burton J. Hendrick, to actually write the work in question. In point of fact, it appears that the actual concept of the book originated in the mind of Hendrick, who first suggested it to Morgenthau in April of 1916. [15] It is through an examination of several thousand letters and documents in the above—mentioned collections that eventually the rather murky origins of the work in question emerge. To unravel the many threads which went into Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story, we must begin by discussing the various sources upon which it was based.

First and foremost, is a typed—transcript called ‘Diary’ which covers the actual period of Morgenthau’s sojourn in Istanbul. (Constantinople), that is, the period from November 27, 1913 (the date of Morgenthau’s arrival in the Ottoman Capital), to his departure from Turkey on February 1, 1916,[16] a period of twenty—six months. From internal evidence, in particular Morgenthau’s comments about dictating to his secretary, a Turkish-Armenian named Hagop S. Andonian,[17] it appears that on a regular basis Morgenthau related his day’s experiences to Andonian, who in turn typed them up for posterity. Though extremely detailed, in particular as regards his contacts with the Young Turk leaders, Said Halim Pasha, Enver Pasha, and Talaat Bey, the version of events recorded in his daily ‘Diary’ entries often bears little relationship (as will subsequently be demonstrated) to the descriptions of the same meetings and discussions narrated in Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story. Despite this problem, there can be no doubt that the key source material upon which the book was based is the daily record preserved in the ‘Diary,’

In addition to his ‘Diary,’ and based primarily upon it, Morgenthau was in the habit of writing a lengthy ‘round robin’ type weekly letter to various members of his family back home in the United States.[18] These letters were likewise prepared by Hagop S. Andonian, Morgenthau’s personal secretary, and indeed often, as Morgenthau tells us in a letter of May 11, 1915, actually written by him:

“I have really found it impossible to sit down and dictate a letter quietly. So I have instructed Andonian to take my diary and copy it with some elaborations of his own. Of course this relieves me of all responsibility for any errors.”[19]
 
It was then a combination of the Morgenthau ‘Diaries’ and ‘Letters’ which served as the basic raw material out of which the work was ultimately assembled. These two sources were supplemented in some Instances by copies of actual reports received by Morgenthau In Constantinople, or dispatched by him to Washington, D.C.[20] Stated differently, these formed the skeletal framework upon which the finished product was to be hung.

With this background in mind we must now turn to an examination of the actual manner in which the book was written, and to the even more complex question of by whom it was written. In this regard, in each and every edition, the author appeared solely as: Henry Morgenthau... And today, seventy-two years after its appearance, no one has ever suggested in print that anyone but Morgenthau authored Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story.[21] Despite this fact, there are abundant clues scattered about in the surviving Morgenthau material to provide us hints as to the identity of the work’s actual author. First and foremost, is an acknowledgement made by Morgenthau In the ‘Preface’ to both the book’s American and British editions, where he wrote: “My thanks are due to my friend, Mr. Burton d. Hendrick, for the Invaluable assistance he has rendered in the preparation of this book.”[22] This acknowledgment is, to say the least, an understatement. For in point of fact, Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story emerged from the pen of Burton J. Hendrick, with the editorial assistance of a large number of individuals, Including Morgenthau himself. In addition, he was assisted by his Armenian secretary Hagop S. Andonian who followed Morgenthau to the States and lived with him throughout the period in which the book was under preparation.

Very little is known concerning the life of Hagop S. Andonian. In numerous appearances of his name in both

Ambassador Henry Morgenthau
U.S. envoy to Turkey, November 1913-January 1916. Photograph taken just prior to his departure from Turkey.
[Courtesy of U.S. Consul General Thomas Carolan, Istanbul, Turkey.)

the ‘Diary’ and ‘Letters’ he is generally referred to by Morgenthau as “my secretary,” though on occasion he clearly fullfilled the role of “Dragoman,” (translator) as well.[23] The ‘Diary’ records the fact that he was a frequent guest at the Morgenthau table, and often accompanied the Ambassador to the movies in the evening. From a reference in Morgenthau’s family ‘Letter’ of July 15, 1914[24], it appears that Andonian was a student at the American run Robert College around the turn of the century. A surviving photograph of the Embassy staff
 
Hagop S. Andonian
Ambassador Morgenthau’s secretary, who accompanied him back to the United States in 1916. His services in the preparation of Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story were described by his employer as “really indispensable”

taken during Morgenthau’s tenure, shows him to have been in his early thirties at that time. While nothing speciffic has apparently survived to shed light on the question of why he returned to the United States with the Morgenthau's, a ‘Diary’ entry for February 8, 1916 clearly establishes that he left Turkey with the Ambassador. On that date in describing a shipboard masquerade party en route to New York, Morgenthau records that his son “Henry was dressed as a Greek and Andonian as a Turkish lady.”[25] Among the surviving Morgenthau correspondence is a copy of a letter addressed by the Ambassador on January 9, 1918 to the Honorable Breckenridge Long, Third Assistant Secretary of State, requesting that official’s assistance in obtaining a deferment from military service for his secretary, Mr. Hagop S. Andonian. This letter includes the following paragraph:
 
“You probably know that with the approval of the President, I have undertaken to write a book. Mr. Andonian is assisting me in the preparation of that work and owing to his intimate knowledge of the east and his unusual experience, his services to me are really incdispensable.”[26]

This passage establishes three facts of interest: a) One reason for Andonian’s being in the U.S. was to assist Morgenthau with the book; b) the actual work on the book had begun by the beginning of January 9, 1918, and, c) by 1918 Andonian was eligible for military service in the U.S.

There are also three short references to Andonian in Morgenthau’s 1918 Diary/Appointments Calendar: 1) an entry for April 26, 1918 which reads: ‘Dictated at Yale Club to Andonian and examined galley proofs of second installment next book; 2) an entry for April 17, 1918 reading: ‘Dictated all day to Andonian and Hendrick;’ and, 3) a two—word notice on September 9, 1918 which reads: ‘Andonian left.’[27] The next and final references to Andonian in the Morgenthau Papers are two handwritten letters dated December 16, 1920 and December 24, 1920[28], Written from Istanbul on a letterhead bearing the names: ‘Haig, Nichan, Hagop Andonian’ and listing their role as agents for the ‘Sun Insurance Company,’ and as real estate brokers, Andonian writes to inquire about the truth of rumors then circulating in the Ottoman capital to the effect that Morgenthau is to be appointed by the U.S. President to mediate between the Kemalist and Armenian forces. Andonian offers his services to Morgenthau should these rumors prove true (they didn’t).
 
To anyone familiar with Turco-Armenian history In the post—war period, the question of a possible relationship between Morgenthau’s Secretary Hagop S. Andonian and, Aram Andonian, the author of the collection of forged documents known as: The Memoirs of Naim Bey: Turkish Official Documents Relating to the Deportations and Massacres of Armenians, London (Hodder & Stoughton), 1920, immediately comes to mind. Both were natives of Istanbul and shared the rather uncommon surname of ‘Andonian,’ which raises the possibility that they may have indeed been related. To date, no additional information on this question has been uncovered.

Another key figure who had significant input in the preparation of the book was Arshag K. Schmavonian, yet another Turkish—Armenian who, in 1918 was in the employ of the State Department in Washington, D.C. as a ‘special adviser,’ and who had worked as Morgenthau’s interpreter in Istanbul and accompanied him in all meetings with Turkish officials. Schmavonian’s role as friend, confidant and adviser to Morgenthau both during and after his stay in Istanbul is easily traceable in the various surviving Morgenthau Papers. Indeed, almost from the

Arshag K. Schmavonian
Legal adviser U.S. Embassy, Constantinople, described by Morgenthau as “always thoroughly loyal to his own people, the Armenians.”


 
day of his arrival in Turkey, Morgenthau relied upon Schmavonian as his eyes and ears In what must have seemed an alien environment given the fact that Morgenthau knew neither Turkish, French, Greek nor Armenian, the four principal languages spoken In the Ottoman Capital. Already, In a 1914 Interview given shortly after his arrival In Turkey to a correspondent of The New York Herald, Morgenthau acknowledged his dependence on Schmavonian in the fofrowing terms:

“It will be my duty to dive into the very heart of things surrounding me. With the help of the Legal Adviser of the Embassy, Mr. Schmavonian, who knows the Orient so well, I shall be able to master the task in a more or less satisfactory manner in a few weeks.”[29]

There is hardly a page of the Morgenthau ‘Diary’ which does not contain reference to Arshag K. Schmavonian.[30] He accompanied Morgenthau on almost every official visit he paid to members of the Young Turk Government, he sat in on Morgenthau’s meetings with American businessmen (many of whose legal affairs he handled in Turkey), he participated In all meetings with the American missionary Interests (whose legal affairs he also handled), and, also assisted Morgenthau in the writing of his cables to Washington, D.C. The National Archives in Washington, D.C. houses a collection of Schmavonian Papers.[31] Though the overwhelming majority of these papers deal with, Schmavonian’s representations of various American business and missionary interests, they also preserve a few handwritten notes from Morgenthau to Schmavonian, all of which bear the salutation: ‘My dear Mr. Schmavonian.’ In the Morgenthau papers there are also a large number of letters from Arshag Schmavonian to Ambassador Morgenthau, covering the years 1914—1921[32] All of the letters written prior to 1919 bear the salutation: ‘My Dear Chief.’

The extent to which Morgenthau relied upon his Armenian adviser can be partially measured by a speech he gave when raising funds for Armenian and Syrian Relief following his return to the United States. Of Schmavonian, he wrote:

“The first man I found in the Embassy whom I could lean upon for all kinds of assistance, the man who has done the yeoman work of the American Embassy, is an Armenian [Schmavonian]. He has been connected with our Embassy for sixteen years. I found him to be an unusual man, held in high regard by the Turkish authorities. My private secretary [Andonian] was also an Armenian.

Through these two men I became acquainted with some Armenian priests and with patriots and professors, and learned not only to respect but to love and admire many of the Armenians.”[33]

Nor did this relationship end with Morgenthau’s departure from Turkey. The two men were reunited in 1917 when Morgenthau was sent by President Wilson to Europe, and Schmavonian joined him once again in the role of interpreter. Then, following the rupture of relations between Turkey and the United States, Mr. Schmavonian was transferred late in 1917 to Washington, D.C. where he remained in the capacity of a ‘Special Adviser’ until his death in January, 1922. Morgenthau wrote a moving tribute to his memory, which illustrates the closeness of their relationship:

‘Great was my pleasure to find upon meeting Mr. Schmavonian that the enthusiastic praise of my predecessors [Ambassadors Straus and Rockhift] was not only fully justified, but had failed to do him adequatejustice. He had aft the traditions of the office most methodically stored away in his mind, and made them accessible to me at any time, day or night, at a moment’s notice, and it was the same as to all the American missionary and educational activities in Turkey. He was so eminently just, and so absolutely truthful, that every one with whom he came in contact, promptly recognized the sterling qualities, and soon learned to love their possessor.

‘He was a delightful social companion and graced any assembly which he attended. The services which he rendered to the United States government and to all the Ambassadors at Constantinople, to the missionary interests, American business interests, and the Armenian and Jewish populations in Turkey, were unexcelled by anyone.

‘He was unobtrusive to a fault, and never claimed any credit for himself, His devotion to his mother and to the service possessed him completely, and he was always thoroughly loyal to his own people, the Armenians.

‘The United States has lost one of its most faithful servants, and I, one of my dearest friends.’[34]

Some idea of the extent of Schmavonian’s role in shaping Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story may be had by an examination of his surviving correspondence with Morgenthau during the period in which the book was written:

a) January 16, 1918 letter from Schmavonian to Morgenthau responding to an earlier request for the names and titles of various Ottoman Cabinet members during Morgenthau’s tenure;[35]

b) January 26, 1918 letter from Morgenthau to Schmavonian asking him to supply facts based on the cables and dispatches which Morgenthau sent the Department of State from Turkey;[36]

c) An enclosure of August 29, 1918 of comments on Morgenthau’s manuscript prepared by the State Department, appears to have been written by Schmavonian as well, thus raising the possibility that he was (as might logically be expected) the official in the Department assigned to comment on the draft of Morgenthau’s boök;[37]

d) September 3, 1918 Morgenthau to Schmavonian letter, clearly establishes that it was Schmavonian who was commenting on Morgenthau’s manuscript. When Morgenthau writes:

‘I am sending by this mail our article No.7, the first half of the Armenian story... I do hope that in your good-natured and accommodating way, you will work over time, and I will promise you that I shall not write more books that have to get the approval of the State Department.’[38]

In short, Schmavonian was a key aide to Morgenthau both throughout his tenure in Turkey, as well as during the months in which Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story was being written in 1918. He was even entrusted by the State Department with the task of approving Morgenthau’s manuscript.

Despite his role at each and every stage of the project, he is not mentioned by name in Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story, an oversight which is hard to comprehend. This is particularly so In light of the fact that he is named in Morgenthau’s 1922 autobiography: All In A Life Time. In this book, which Morgenthau wrote in collaboration with French Strother, Schmavonian appears (as he in reality was) a close confidant of Morgenthau.[39] Can it be that Morgenthau felt that reference to his dependence upon his Armenian assistants (Andonian is not mentioned either) might appear strange in a book devoted partially to the Armenian Question?

Yet another participant in the project was the U.S. Secretary of State, Robert Lansing who (at the President’s behest?) read and commented upon every chapter of the work in progress. The nature of Lansing’s role will be discussed below; however, a number of letters, dating from the gestation period of the book fully illustrate that it was not insignificant:

a) Lansing to Morgenthau letter of April 2, 1918, in which the Secretary states: “I am returning herewith the first installment of the proof of your book which I have read with particular interest... I have made various marginal notes suggesting certain alterations or omissions in the text before publication and I trust that you will agree with these suggestions;”

b) Lansing to Morgenthau letter of April 27, 1918, accompanying another segment of the draft manuscript “accompanied by a few suggestions which after careful consideration we venture to propose;”

c) Lansing to Morgenthau letter of August 29, 1918, together with proof sheets and more suggestions;

d) Lansing to Morgenthau letter of September 17, 1918 with “suggestions and remarks,”

e) Morgenthau to Lansing letter of September 22, 1918 asking permission to acknowledge in the Preface to the published book, his appreciation for the “trouble taken by the Secretary of State Robert Lansing in reading the manuscript and of the many valuable and wise suggestions he has made;”

f) Lansing to Morgenthau letter of October 2, 1918 declining Morgenthau’s wish to acknowledge his assistance with the book on the grounds “that on the whole it would be advisable not to mention my name in connection with the book.”[40]

When one recollects the fact that prior to beginning his project, Morgenthau received the written blessings of the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, and, that as the work progressed, each chapter received the personal stamp of approval of the U.S. Secretary of State Robert Lansing, it is clear that Morgenthau’s book may be said to bear the imprimatur of the United States Government.

This said, what literary merit the work has, and all its reviewers found it very readable indeed, is purely the result of Hendrick. While Hendrick was never accorded his due in terms of open recognition of his role in ‘ghosting’ the story, he was well paid for his efforts, as a surviving letter from Morgenthau to him dated July 5, 1918 attests. In lieu of a formal written contract, which does not appear to have existed between the two men, Morgenthau wrote the following to Hendrick:
 
‘I desire to put in writing that I intend to transfer to you a share of the income of the book, ‘Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story,’ about to be published by Doubleday, Page & Company.

‘The definite arrangement Is to be made when your work on the book is completed., but If anything should happen to me in the meantime, I hereby direct my Executors to arrange that you are to receive two—fifths of any profits that are coming to me from Doubleday, Page & Company, until you have received Ten Thousand ($10,000) Dollars, and that the first five thousand ($5,000) Dollars coming to me are to paid to you on account.’[41]

Hendrick, an individual fully deserving of serious scholarly study in his own right, must have been fully satisfied with the final ‘arrangement’ made at the completion of the book. From a receipt which has survived in the Morgenthau papers we may surmise that whatever the final agreement was, it guaranteed Hendrick’s 40% share throughout the life—time of the book. It shows that in the period between January 2, 1932 and July 1, 1932, that is, fourteen years after its initial publication, Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story was still in print. In this six month span it registered a grand total of $2.00 in sales, of which the author’s one—half share, i.e., $1.00, was divided as follows:

Mr. Burton J. Hendrick’s 40% share.............40cent
Mr. Henry Morgenthau’s 60% share ..............6Ocent[42]

Thus fourteen years after its initial publication, the American edition of the book was still providing income to Hendrick and Morgenthau. As for Hendrick’s feelings, they were recorded in an Oral History interview he gave the historian Alan Nevins at Columbia University, a few months before his death in 1949. He stated:

“I had one job of ‘ghosting.’ That was the elder Henry Morgenthau’s Reminiscences. That book created quite a good deal of interest. I worked with Henry all the time.

He was an Interesting character. Henry Morgenthau was a very capable person, very chummy and good natured and was a very successful man. He, of course, made a great fortune here in New York in real estate...The writing of my books on Sims and Morgenthau was very Interesting—more or less of a job...”[43]

Hendrick[44] who within ten years of the publication of the Morgenthau book was to receive three Pulitzer Prizes, one for the book he co-authored with Admiral William S. Sims: The Victory at Sea (recipient of the Pulitzer Prize in History in 1920), and two in Biography for his 1922 work, the Life and Letters of Walter H. Page and in 1928 for his second Page volume entitled The Training of an American, was already in 1918 a well—known journalist who had done stints as an editorial writer with The New York Evening Post, McClure’s Magazine, and The World’s Work. In these positions, in the words of his New York Times obituary writer, Hendrick “developed a reputation for painstaking accuracy,honest thinking and good humor and developed an appetite for research In subjects of great historical interest.” The Times obituary goes on to say that “critics of his biographies and histories almost invariably would remark that his freshness and penetrating analysis bore the mark of his early journalistic training.”[45]

Ironically, at least one reviewer of Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story, a ‘W.K.K.’ writing in December 5, 1918 issue of the Detroit Michigan News, instinctively sensed that Morgenthau must have had a journalistic collaborator when he wrote:

“...Henry Morgenthau, our Ambassador to Turkey in the first year of the war, is either a born journalist, or else he had journalistic help in the preparation of his volume; for ‘Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story’ is pure journalese..."[46]

What we are faced with is less the memoirs of one individual, Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, than a memoir by committee as it were. Morgenthau’s Istanbul notes (consisting of his ‘Diary’ and Family ‘Letters’), are reworked initially by Morgenthau and Andonian, together with Hendrick; edited for content by Schmavonian (on behalf of the State Department); then ‘fine tuned’ by the Secretary of State Robert Lansing (on behalf of the Executive); and, finally written down as Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story by Burton J.Hendrick.

As to the question of whose story it really is, as our subsequent examination will illustrate, it is a collective story bearing only a cursory relationship to what was actually experienced by Henry Morgenthau during his tenure in Turkey.


 

[12] See: Footnote #1 above.
[13] See: Footnote #3 above.
[14] See: Footnote #5 above.
[15] FDR: HMS — Box No.9: Burton J. Hendrick letter to Henry Morgenthau of April 7, 1916, in which Hendrick refers to discussions with Morgenthau of the possibility of Doubleday, Page & Co. publishing a book which would appearin a series of ”personal narratives of all the big people who have figured in this war.” This is apparently the earliest surviving document which specifically relates to the book project.
[16] LC: PHM—Reel No.5 (Containers 3 & 4): Contain the only known copy of this daily record of Morgenthau’s sojourn in Turkey. Simply labeled as the ‘Diary,’ this document provides a day by day account of Morgenthau’s activities while in Constantinople. When cited in the present study, I have listed the following information: LC: PHM—ReelNo.5: ‘Diary’ date: All references in the text to ‘Diary’ refer to this key source of information on Morgenthau’s day by day contemporary record of his activities.
[17] References of this nature include the following: LC: PHM — Reel No. 5: ‘Diary’ entries for September 25, 1914, February 19, 1915. The July 8, 1915 entry reads: “We worked at the book from 7:15 to 8. Then Schmavonian and Wirth took supper with me.” This passage raises two possibilities: a) that others than Andonian may have also had a hand in compiling the ‘Diary,’ and, b) that Morgenthau’s ‘Diary’ may have all along been envisaged as the outline for a book he intended to publish. Given the fact that he does not appear to have ever kept such a detailed ‘Diary’ at any other stage of his life, this interpretation may well be true.
[18] Copies of Morgenthau letters are found primarily in two separate sections (series) of the FDR Library — Morgenthau Papers. Specifically, they are in the FDR: HMS —Boxes 5, 7, 8, 10 and in the FDR: HMJ/Gaer — Boxes Nos. 1—2. While clearly based on the ‘Diary’ entries for the period they describe, there is often additional data found in the ‘Letters,’ in that they provide a useful supplement to the sometimes laconic ‘Diary’ entries.
[19] FDR: HMS — Box 7: HM to children letter of May 11, 1915. That this comment does not relate solely to the May 11, 1915 letter is confirmed by FDR: HMJ/Gaer — Box 1—2: HM letter to Henry Morgenthau, Jr. of September 1, 1915, where we read: “I am sending you one of the copies of the general letter which recently has been written by Andonian, so don’t blame me if it is too impersonal and skeletonish.” On another occasion we find the following in a letter: “I don’t know whet her you folks all noticed the difference in style between this letter and tile preceding ones. I have dictated this one myself and filled the mere skeleton notes that I gave Andonian and from which the recent letters were written.” (FDR: HMS — Box No. 8: Letter of 7/13/1915 — p.15)
[20] Copies and ‘paraphrases’ and Morgenthau’s cable traffic are found scattered throughout the LC: PHM—See, in particular, Reels No.5,7,8,17. This material was compared with copies of Morgenthau’s official reports preserved in the National Archives in Washington, D.C. In particular: Record Group 59- General Records of the Department of State: Decimal File 867.4106 -Race Problems (Microflim Publication 353: Reels 43-48).
[21] Henry Morgenthau, Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story. New York (Doubleday, Page & Co.), 1918. (hereafter: AMS).
[22] AMS: p. vii.
[23] LC: HMS — Reel No. 5 for March 15—16, 1915, where Andonian accompanied Morgenthau to the Dardanelles in that capacity.
[24] FDR: HMS — Box No.5.
[25] LC: PHM-Reel NO.5.
[269 LC: PHM — Reel No.8
[27] LC: PHM — Reel No.6.
[28] FDR: HMS — Box No. 13.
[29] LC: PHM — Reel No.37—date is illegible.
[30] LC: PHM - Reel No,5.
[31] National Archives: Record Group No.84—Personal Correspondence of Arshag K. Schmavonian —4 Boxes.
[32] FDR: HMS — Boxes No.5 (17 letters from 1914), 9 (4 letters from 1916), 10 (2 letters from 1916), 12 (3 letters from 1919), 14 (5 letters from 1921).
[33] LC: PHM - Reel No. 22.
[34] LC: PHM-Reel No.40.
[35] LC: PHM —Reel No.8.
[36] FDR:HMS —Box No. 12.
[37] FDR: HMS — Box No.12.
[38] FDR: HMS — Box No.12.
[39] Henry Morgenthau (in collaborat?on with French Strother), All In A Life Time, New York (Doubleday, Page & Co.), 1922. See: pp. 178, 187, 215, 216, 224, 227, 259, and 266.
[40] FDR:HMS-Box No.12.
[41] Hendrick/Rusnak: Morgenthau to Hendrick letter of July 5, 1918.
[42] LC: PHM — Reel No.17.
[43] I am indebted to Mr. Ronald J. Grele, Director of the’Oral History Research Office’ at Columbia University’s Butler Library, for a copy of the 62 page Nevins interview entitled: ‘The Reminiscences of Burton j. Hendrick.’ The passage quoted above is taken from pages 31—32 of this interview, and is a summary of Hendrick’s comments. In addition to the Hendrick materials discussed earlier in what I have termed the Hendrick/Rusnak Collection, and the Nevins interview, there are also 75 Hendrick letters in the archives of the American Academy of Arts and Letters in New York City. I am informed by Ms. Nancy Johnson, the ‘AAAL’ Librarian, that this material consists primarily of letters relating to Hendrick’s membership in the ‘AAAL,’ an organization to which he was elected in 1923, and of which he remained a member until his death in 1949.
[44] The most detailed work on Hendrick s career is Robert Rusnak s unpublished paper entitled: “To Cast Them in the Heroic Mold’: Court Biographers — The Case of Burton J. Hendrick.” I am indebted to the author for a copy of this study. Additional biographical information has been consulted in the following reference works: a) Obituary notice: “Burton Hendrick, historian, 78, Dies,” The New York Times, Friday, March 25, 1949. p.23. (Hereafter: Hendrick, Times: p.23.) b) Burton Jesse Hendrick entry in: The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography. Vol. XXXVIII., page 476. Ann Arbor, MI (University Microfilms), 1967. c) Louis Filler, “Burton Jesse Hendrick,” entry in The Encyclopedia Americana (International Edition). Vol.14, page 91. Danbury, CT (Grolier Inc.) ND. d) Burton Jesse Hendrick entry in the 1922—1923 Who’s Who in America. Vol. 12, page 1482. Chicago (A.N. Marquis & Co.), 1923.
[45] Hendrick, Times: p.23.
[46] LC: PHM — Reel No. 40.

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